By Lee H. Hamilton

U.S. President Joe Biden and Chinese President Xi Jinping met for four hours last month on an estate near San Francisco. That, in and of itself, is important. At a time of serious tensions between the world’s two most powerful countries, maintaining communication is essential.

Even if such talks don’t always produce breakthrough agreements, it’s vital that they continue. In the saying usually attributed to Winston Churchill, it’s better to jaw-jaw than to war-war.

And the U.S.-China relationship is the most important bilateral relationship in the world. As it evolves, it will have a profound impact on the future. The relationship is critical, not only to the two countries but to the rest of the globe. For it to succeed, we need to keep talking to one another.

Biden and Xi met in mid-November in conjunction with the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation forum. The White House characterized their conversation as “candid and constructive.” Biden said the U.S. and China are competitors but don’t have to be adversaries. The world, he said, expects us to manage the competition responsibly and not let it veer into open conflict.

The meeting, along with related conversations by U.S. and Chinese diplomats, did produce concrete results. Importantly, the two sides agreed to resume military-to-military communication, which is essential for ensuring that misunderstandings don’t escalate to warfare. China suspended the communication after then-House Speaker Nancy Pelosi visited Taiwan last year, and the situation worsened when the U.S. shot down a suspected Chinese spy balloon in February.
Xi also said China will crack down on the export of chemical precursors that Mexican drug cartels use to make fentanyl, a synthetic opioid that is 50 times more potent than heroin. Fentanyl is responsible for 70% of overdoses and poisonings in the U.S., according to the Drug Enforcement Agency.

The leaders also agreed to launch a dialogue on the risks of artificial intelligence and to step up efforts to slow climate change, including by reducing emissions of methane, a powerful greenhouse gas. And they promoted efforts to strengthen business, trade and person-to-person relationships: for example, an increase in the number of commercial flights between the U.S. and China.

The talks took place as the U.S.-China relationship seemed to be overshadowed by events, especially the bloody fighting between Israel and Hamas and the war between Ukraine and Russia.

Meanwhile, China’s economy has stagnated. Its “zero COVID” policy weakened business activity. Its fertility rate is low, and its population has begun to decline by some estimates.

Unemployment among young people topped 20% this year. A few years ago, Xi was promoting China’s state-controlled economic model as a superior alternative to America’s liberal capitalism. It doesn’t look so promising today.

The U.S. and China have many interests and challenges in common, but we also have real disagreements. We accuse China of engaging in unfair trade practices and industrial espionage. We take issue with its human-rights abuses in Xinjiang province and elsewhere. We push back against its aggression against our allies in East and Southeast Asia and its threats toward Taiwan. Biden has called Xi a dictator, and he didn’t back down from that description when reporters questioned him last month.

Domestic politics further confound the relationship. American politicians know they can win points by bashing China or by accusing their rivals of being soft on China.

Certainly, China does some things that displease us greatly. Balancing these concerns — working on our common interests while managing our conflicts — is hard work in diplomacy, but it is absolutely essential. The U.S.-China relationship, while likely to remain contentious, needs to be strengthened if possible. At the very least, it needs to be managed and maintained. The whole world depends upon it.

By Lee H. Hamilton

Australia may not be the first nation to come to mind when we think about important U.S. allies. It’s on the far side of the globe, an area of the world we often neglect. Its largest city, Sydney, is a 22-hour flight from New York. Most Americans have never traveled there.

But, in fact, Australia is very important to U.S. foreign policy. It is “a vital ally, partner and friend,” in the words of the State Department, and a bulwark of freedom in the region. With shared democratic values and common interests, we have had diplomatic relations for 83 years.

The relationship was on display last month when Prime Minister Anthony Albanese made a state visit to Washington, the Australian leader’s ninth and highest-profile meeting with President Joe Biden. The two leaders said in a joint statement that they were inaugurating “a new era in U.S.-Australia strategic cooperation” focused on defense, the economy and climate change.

As is typical with state visits, Albanese and his partner, Jodie Haydon, were treated to pomp and pageantry, including a red-carpet welcome on the White House lawn, a 19-gun salute, a lavish black-tie dinner, a military band performance and the ceremonial exchange of gifts. But there was substance to the visit as well. Biden and Albanese advanced plans to partner in space exploration, artificial intelligence, applied research and regional finance. They pledged to work together to reduce greenhouse gas emissions and strengthen supply chains for critical minerals, which are important for clean energy.

The U.S. and Australia have a great deal in common. We’re both nations shaped by immigrants with language and culture that show the influence of British settlement. We are both large and diverse countries, demographically and geographically. We were allies in World War I and World War II. Australian troops fought with American forces in Korea, Vietnam, Iraq and Afghanistan.

We are also important trading partners, with two-way foreign direct investment totaling $261.5 billion, according to the State Department. U.S. trade and investment contribute 7% of Australia’s annual economy, and more than 1,000 American companies employ 320,000 Australians.

Arguably the most critical U.S.-Australian partnerships are focused on defense and security. Biden and Albanese didn’t mention China in their prepared remarks, but they didn’t have to. From the American perspective, Australia is a critical deterrent to China’s aggressive efforts to increase its influence in the Asia Pacific region.

The so-called AUKUS nations, Australia, the United Kingdom and the United States, are implementing plans to equip the Australian military with nuclear-powered, conventionally armed submarines and increase defense-related trade. The leaders welcomed Japan’s participation in military exercises with American forces.

The U.S., Australia, India and Japan make up the Quad, a security dialogue that includes a focus on peaceful space exploration and sustainable energy development.

The Biden-Albanese meeting came amid heightened global tensions. Just over two weeks earlier, Hamas launched a brutal attack on Israel, killing more than 1,400 people and taking hundreds of hostages. Israel responded with airstrikes and sent troops into Gaza. Biden and Albanese strongly condemned Hamas and supported Israel’s right to defend itself while cautioning against civilian casualties and a wider war.

Ukraine, meanwhile, has kept up its resistance to Russia’s brutal invasion and pleaded for more international assistance, and Australia announced it would provide $13 million in military support for Ukraine. In the South China Sea, Chinese vessels reportedly rammed a Philippine coast guard ship, and a Chinese fighter jet nearly collided with an American bomber in a night-time maneuver.

These are sobering reminders that the world is a dangerous place, and there are potential flashpoints on every hand. In such a world, we Americans need friends, and Australia is as solid and reliable an ally as we’re likely to find. The relationship deserves to be celebrated.

By Lee H. Hamilton

The earthquakes that struck northwestern Afghanistan this month were devastating and horrific. They caused at least 1,295 deaths and injured at least 1,800 people, according to the United Nations. They compounded a humanitarian crisis that has grown worse since the Taliban took over the country in 2021.

Faced with such immense suffering, the human response is to want to help, and we are. The U.S. Agency for International Development, our nation’s primary international disaster response agency, is providing $12 million in humanitarian assistance. Other nations and private organizations are also providing relief.

But the scale of the world’s suffering can seem overwhelming, and 2023 has been an especially bad year:

• In February, two powerful earthquakes hit southern Turkey, killing more than 50,000 people in Turkey and war-torn Syria and leaving hundreds of thousands homeless. They were the deadliest quakes in Turkey’s modern history.
• In September, a massive Mediterranean storm dumped heavy rain on Libya. Two dams collapsed, resulting in floods that killed more than 11,000 people and displaced tens of thousands. It followed a string of deadly floods in China, Brazil, Greece and elsewhere.

Also in September, an earthquake struck the High Atlas Mountains in Morocco, killing nearly 3,000 people, injuring over 5,000 and leaving many homeless in remote areas.
And there have been disasters here at home, including the wildfires that killed nearly 100 people in Hawaii in August as well as floods, drought and more. In the first eight months of 2023, the U.S. experienced a record 23 weather and climate disasters that caused more than $1 billion in damages. President Joe Biden has issued dozens of disaster and emergency proclamations this year.

All this hardship challenges us to respond. It raises an important recurring question: What is our duty to people who, through no fault of their own, have their lives turned upside down by disasters.

In my view, Americans can and should take a leading role in relieving suffering. We have the resources, and most of us take pride in helping as much as we can. We have a moral duty to step up: it’s the right thing to do. It also provides an opportunity to win favor in the world. It generates a lot of goodwill when we provide assistance.

And we can afford it. Americans consistently overestimate what we spend on foreign aid. In fact, it’s less than 1% of the federal budget, and disaster assistance is just a fraction of that.

The world sees the U.S. as a leader in humanitarian relief. We respond to dozens of international disasters every year. Our help is more effective when it’s delivered in coordination with other countries, of course, often through organizations like the United Nations.

Philanthropic efforts also play a vital role. Many Americans donate generously to organizations like the International Red Cross, the Red Crescent, CARE, Save the Children and many others. When a disaster strikes, experts typically recommend giving money to established organizations, which have the experience and infrastructure to get help where it’s needed.

Of course, it would be ideal if we could prevent disasters, or lessen their likelihood. In some cases, we can. For example, climate change has increased the frequency and severity of floods, drought and fires. Cutting greenhouse gas emissions and conserving energy can reduce the likelihood that these disasters will continue to grow more serious. We can’t prevent earthquakes, but we can support efforts to build resilient physical infrastructure in regions where quakes are common.

And when disasters strike, as they inevitably will, we can respond promptly and generously. True, Americans can’t do all this on our own. But we are the richest country in the world. We can do a lot to respond to and alleviate human suffering, and we should.